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| 1 |
ID:
199106
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study investigates corruption and moral degradation within the Tshwane Metropolitan Police Department (TMPD) and their adverse effects on public trust, officer conduct, and the broader law enforcement community. The research addresses the TMPD's recurring failures in adhering to legislative requirements, ethical recruitment practices, and accountability standards, which have led to publicised misconduct and diminished institutional trust. Using an ethnographic approach, the study integrates primary data from first-hand observations and media statements with secondary data from legislative documents, academic publications, and online sources. Narrative analysis contextualizes findings, regarding human resource practices and leadership challenges. Key findings reveal systemic corruption, recruitment of individuals with criminal records, and weak accountability mechanisms as central contributors to the TMPD's reputational decline. These issues have resulted in moral degradation, operational inefficiencies, and increased public complaints about officer misconduct. Recommendations include implementing stricter vetting procedures, enhanced training programs, and robust oversight structures to ensure ethical compliance and operational efficiency. Additionally, prioritise enforcing a culture of accountability and transparency to restore public confidence. The study is significant as it offers a comprehensive understanding of municipal policing challenges in South Africa's capital and provides actionable insights to inform policy reforms and enhance the integrity of police departments nationwide.
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| 2 |
ID:
199105
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the unintended consequences of the end of South Africa’s international isolation since 1994 and South Africans’ greater international mobility has been the increased risk and prevalence of South African citizens taken hostage by non-state actors abroad. Moreover, factors such as piracy off the East African coast, 9/11, the Arab Spring in North Africa, the collapse of the Gaddafi regime in Libya and subsequent regional insecurity have added to South Africans’ exposure to risk. Based on more than 20 South African hostage cases abroad, the contribution presents a first take on South Africa’s diplomatic efforts to secure the release of its citizens. It outlines the legal and normative foundations of South Africa’s obligations regarding its citizens kept hostage abroad, as well as the country’s policy on hostage negotiations and captors’ demands. The country’s diplomatic efforts confirm the complexities and dynamics of international hostage negotiations and the significance of intermediaries. South Africa’s diplomatic efforts have predominantly resulted in the release of its citizens and a relative decrease in South Africans taken hostage abroad. However, some South Africans were killed or passed away during their captivity whereas several other citizens remain captive abroad as diplomatic efforts continue.
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| 3 |
ID:
199104
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the implications of Ethiopia’s current crisis on the security dynamics of the Horn of Africa. By employing both primary and secondary data sources, this research highlights Ethiopia’s historical role in fostering peace and security in a region often plagued by conflict and instability. Ethiopia has been instrumental in advancing regional peace through counter-terrorism initiatives, mediation and negotiation between conflicting states, and peacekeeping missions. Furthermore, its participation in regional and sub-regional organisations has promoted regional integration and development. However, the ongoing crisis, characterised by multifaceted internal conflicts, persistent civil wars, economic downturns, political instability, and social unrest, has severely compromised Ethiopia’s ability to sustain regional stability. This study finds that the crisis has significant regional ramifications, transforming Ethiopia from a stabilising force into a potential destabilising factor, thus diminishing its previous contributions to peace and security in the Horn of Africa.
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| 4 |
ID:
199103
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| Summary/Abstract |
The South African Defence Industry has undergone several changes over the past decades, with the end of Apartheid seeing the industry transform itself from a practically self-sufficient one to a smaller one, embedded into foreign firms and achieving international success. However, the recent past has not been kind to the industry, and the calls for government support appear unheeded. By performing an extended literature review, this research attempts to determine whether the second-tier label given to the South African Defence Industry is accurate and if the nation’s changes have affected this categorisation. Further, by comparing its characteristics to those of similar nations’ and exploring African defence industries, it is effectively a contemporary examination of South Africa’s place in the international arms industry.
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| 5 |
ID:
199102
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rapid increase of technology and the sophistication in which it is used to obtain and manipulate information presents fertile ground for cybercriminals. Thus, the consequent increase of cybercrime in South Africa poses a threat to individuals, government, businesses, and security agencies; ultimately causing extensive financial losses to the economy. The huge preventive cost incurred by putting in place stringent preventative measures, affect the financial status of individuals and threatens the sustainability of many companies.
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| 6 |
ID:
199101
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the borderland of Nigeria and the Republic of Benin there are both formal and informal security actors operating to curb trans-border crimes that extant literature is yet to adequately consider. Most empirical studies on the relations between security actors have largely focused on the nature of relations between formal security agencies and the implications of their relations for border security governance. This study fills the gap in the knowledge by investigating the nature of relations between formal and informal security actors. Utilising mixed-method research design and drawing on primary and secondary sources of data, the study contends that non-states security actors of different nomenclature such as Kelebe, Smugglers Association, Night Guards and Aja Custom, Social Safety Orientation Corps (So Safe Corps) exist in the borderland areas of Seme and Idi Iroko between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin. It is also argued that functional, dynamic and interest-based cordial relations between state and non-state security actors significantly contribute to curbing smuggling, drug trafficking, illegal migration with the exception of human trafficking. Thus, the study recommends that the Nigerian government should re-organise the border security order to include non-state security actors in the governance of borders between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin.
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| 7 |
ID:
199100
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| Summary/Abstract |
With careful investigation, this article looks into the immediate causes that led to Amhara Fano's conflict with Abiy Ahmed's administration. Even though the people of Amhara stayed silent through many pains, 2022 was the turning point for Amhara Fano to start official conflict with Abiy Ahmed’s administration. The research design for the study is an exploratory case study. Document review, audio-visual sources, and a semi-structured interview were employed to investigate the recent reasons for Amhara Fano Force's conflict with Abiy Ahmed’s administration. The Pretoria agreement, the establishment of Sheger City, the attempt to tear down the Amhara Regional Force, the absence of trust with Abiy Ahmed's leadership, and delay in providing soil fertiliser to Amhara farmers were a few recent factors that led to the Amhara Fano Force struggle. Based on these findings, the researcher suggests that before the political apparatus, economy, and humanitarian security of Ethiopia are at risk again and affect East Africa, international organisations and international communities need to be part of the solution and provide assistance in establishing negotiation and agreement between these two warring factions like they did for the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the federal government of Ethiopia.
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| 8 |
ID:
199099
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research essay is on the interplay of narratives with geopolitical alignments considering the China-India bilateral as elucidatory. Three issues influence China-India relations:the boundary dispute stasis, trade issues, and foreign policy decision making vis á vis each other. Adopting a critical tone with thoughtful insights, the essay highlights the lack of frameworks to situate this vital bilateral relationship. In global terms, their populations comprise one-third of humanity and, despite being territorial neighbours, mutual obliviousness is a constant feature. By establishing their differing styles and perceptions of each other, this essay contributes new variables that will add to the growing literature on China-India relations. China with economic ballast has succeeded in creating an aura for itself, making many wary. India, as a different political construct from China, holds promise of economic success, with kaleidoscopic interpretations on every aspect.
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| 9 |
ID:
199098
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| 10 |
ID:
199097
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has undergone a profound transformation in Sri Lankan politics, evolving from a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement vehemently opposed to India into a pragmatic political party. This shift stems from internal reforms, post-civil war realities, and changing geopolitical dynamics in South Asia. Critical issues such as the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, the Tamil national question, and the JVP’s entry into democratic politics have marked its ideological and strategic evolution. After the end of the civil war, the JVP directed attention to inclusive governance and balanced foreign policy, strengthening ties with India while safeguarding Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. The JVP-NPP coalition’s 2024 electoral victories highlight this pragmatic turn, with economic cooperation, regional stability, and reconciliation efforts shaping a renewed bilateral relationship. These developments redefine JVP’s role, and have broader implications for Sri Lanka’s domestic politics and regional geopolitics.
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| 11 |
ID:
199096
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| 12 |
ID:
199095
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| 13 |
ID:
199094
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| Contents |
Available Online
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015747 | 327.12/WIS 015747 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
199093
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2021, Italian populist radical right (PRR) parties, Lega and Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), opposed the Zan bill, which sought to criminalise homo-bi-transphobia, misogyny and discrimination against disabilities. Unlike some European PRR parties that have declaredly adopted some pro-LGBTIQ stances, the Italian PRR's opposition to the Zan bill reveals a different approach. Its case suggests that, in addition and complementary to targeting external ‘Others’ like immigrants or Muslims, the Italian PRR also promotes cis- and heteronormative models, constructing the LGBTIQ community as an internal threat to ‘the people’. This analysis sheds light on the centrality of gender in the PRR discourses and underscores the unique national context of anti-LGBTIQ and anti-gender rhetoric in Italy.
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| 15 |
ID:
199092
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Europe, the populist radical right (PRR) has actively embarked on a discursive struggle over the notion of freedom – one of the underlying concepts of Western сulture. An investigation of the 2019 European election campaign of the Polish Law and Justice party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [PiS]) highlights how PRR parties in power discursively construct freedom in the context(s) of the European Union (EU). In PiS’s discourse, freedom serves as an antagonistic national-populist and nativist tool that juxtaposes Polish national identity against the imagined enemies of PiS-led Poland at home and abroad.
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| 16 |
ID:
199091
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| Summary/Abstract |
Italy’s migration agreements with Libya in 2017 and Albania in 2023 serve as crucial cases for investigating how political parties in Europe position themselves on immigration policy. By comparing parties across the Italian political spectrum, this research assesses whether they have articulated distinct stances on the externalisation of migration in the two selected cases. A qualitative analysis of parliamentary debates reveals two dominant logics in party discourse: a security logic and a rights-oriented logic. These two logics can cut across party lines, particularly in times of crisis, with frequent references to the European Union (EU) as both an arena for Italy’s influence and a source of legitimacy.
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| 17 |
ID:
199090
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| Summary/Abstract |
Four European populist radical right (PRR) prime minister parties (PiS, Fidesz, SDS and FdI) have displayed differing approaches to foreign policy. In part, these differences can be explained by their specific visions of history. Central and Eastern European (CEE) parties such as PiS, Fidesz and to a certain extent SDS, became more radical and Eurosceptic when in power. FdI, on the other hand, became less Eurosceptic and more mainstream after coming to power. CEE parties have constructed their identities around anti-communism and the notion of Western betrayal, making the liberal West and the EU their significant Other. On the contrary, for FdI it is more difficult to have the EU as a significant Other in the same sense, because Italy was a founding member of the EU and its historical grievances are not directed at the West. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has also been approached and used differently by the leaders of these parties. Giorgia Meloni, Janez Janša and, at least initially, Jarosław Kaczyński used the war to strengthen their European credentials, while Viktor Orbán used it to intensify his fight against the liberal West.
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| 18 |
ID:
199089
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| Summary/Abstract |
Populism has been used by its critics to support European integration. The case of the Italian Partito Democratico (PD) highlights that, as a relatively empty signifier, ‘populism’ affords parties scope to adapt to different circumstances, as evidenced by the evolving use of the term in relation to shifts in policymaking paradigms at the European level. In the period between the Eurozone crisis and the Covid pandemic, the PD changed the connotation of populism in relation to key debates at the European level. While initially the term was used mainly to contrast unproductive uses of spending by the Berlusconi government and then by the M5S-League coalition, the definition of populism narrowed as European support for austerity measures faded. More recently, the PD has started using the term almost exclusively as a synonym for right-wing extremism. The Italian case suggests that critics of populism continuously shift their understanding of the term in order to protect European integration.
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| 19 |
ID:
199088
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| Summary/Abstract |
The nexus between technocracy and populism in Italy can be better understood from a long-term perspective. Adopting a critical-realist approach to the explanation of political change, it is possible to identify the main contextual factors that favoured, from the early 1990s, the rise of these two alternative yet compatible logics of politics, which can be conceived as both causes and symptoms of the fatigue of representative democracy. This also allows (i) a better understanding of the entanglement of populism and technocracy after the global crisis of 2008, and (ii) the conceptualisation of the position of the European Union (EU) as a catalyst of these processes within a multi-level spatial nexus.
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| 20 |
ID:
199087
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| Summary/Abstract |
The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group has emerged as an important player in European Parliament (EP) decision-making. Drawing on about 1,300 EP plenary votes from July 2019 to June 2022, we demonstrate that the ECR group has played an active and often cooperative role in the politics of the EP, albeit not in the policy areas where its national conservative and soft Eurosceptic ideology comes to prominence, such as women’s rights or institutional affairs. We complement the quantitative analysis with an in-depth investigation of the group’s position on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Our investigation shows that the ECR group’s unified stance against migration has often failed to translate into cohesive legislative actions by its national party delegations, aligning instead with national interests as defined by these parties.
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