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| 1 |
ID:
193860
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the era of globalization, the international community has witnessed a rapid increase in the number of low-skilled workers migrating from developing countries to industrial countries. However, there remain competing approaches to the governance of low-skilled labor migration; that is, the economic theory and the rights-based approach. By utilizing the labor migration between Vietnam and Japan under the Technical Intern Training Program (TITP), this article reveals the limitations of these two approaches in governing the migration of low-skilled workers. Moreover, through examining the Memorandum of Cooperation on the Technical Intern Training Program signed by the Vietnamese and Japanese governments in 2017 and its contribution to the TITP, this article suggests that to regulate labor migration properly, it is essential to uphold the rights-based approach and consider labor migration as a transnational issue that should be addressed at the international level; that is, through the bilateral or multilateral instruments.
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| 2 |
ID:
193859
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| Summary/Abstract |
Informal intergovernmental organizations (IIGO s) are institutionally weak: they lack a legal foundation and a permanent secretariat, staff, or headquarters. Yet states’ use of IIGO s like the Group of 7 (G7), Group of 20 (G20), and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) group has grown from ad hoc crisis management to the ongoing governance of a variety of critical global issues. How do IIGO s support extensive state interaction without a permanent secretariat? Surprisingly, whereas existing work focuses on why states choose informality, how IIGO s function and adapt remains little explored. This article traces the changing organizational requirements and IIGO s’ institutional design through an in-depth anatomy of the G20. It demonstrates that the G20 substituted for formal centralization through the development of three principal mechanisms: a troika rotating chair system, the designation of Sherpas, and the reliance on information technology. In doing so, the article highlights the institutional foundations of one of the most significant organizational reconfigurations in the post-Cold War multilateral system.
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| 3 |
ID:
193858
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| Summary/Abstract |
What is the effect of delegation to an agreement executor, such as an international organization (IO), on the success of conventional arms control (CAC) agreements in Europe? Arms control agreements have taken different approaches to delegation. The extent of state delegation to treaty executors has ranged from nonexistent to substantial. Previous studies have not looked at delegation as an independent variable of CAC agreement success. This article applies a sum score methodology assessing nine variables in a dataset of nineteen CAC agreements in Europe over the past 100 years. There is a low correlation between delegation and CAC agreement success, though the data suggests that third-party state and IO involvement are the most significant variables related to success. This article proposes that high delegation to an IO with third-party state participation will increase the likelihood that a future CAC agreement between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Russia could succeed.
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| 4 |
ID:
193857
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| Summary/Abstract |
United Nations Country Teams and governments often lack country-specific and Sustainable Development Goals (SDG s)–centric tools for scenario building and policies that can accelerate SDG s progress. This Toolkit provides a ready-to-use solution. We present different forecasted scenarios on an SDG by SDG level, and their interlinkages and links to human rights, which are precalculated for all countries. A United Nations Country Team or government can use the Toolkit to identify the potentially most suitable areas and policy mixes of policy interventions for SDG acceleration, while being able to account for the integrated nature of SDG s and keep a focus on the most vulnerable groups and human rights.
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| 5 |
ID:
193856
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines strategies used in coping with domestic legitimacy crises in Albania. In these crises, blending national with international governance became a resource for governance interventions. Although prevailing approaches to state building and to judiciary governance have continued to follow Westphalian or Weberian paradigms, which characterize the state by its monopoly over judicial authority, Albania has faced difficulties in implementing even modest programs of justice reform, let alone significant transformations in judiciary governance. For this purpose, it has chosen to bring in “international” actors with a constitutional role in the judiciary apparatus. The constitutionally established operation composed by internationals has been “subcontracted” to manage and oversee the process of appointment and dismissal of judges and prosecutors. Based on fieldwork and using an adapted model of hybridization, the article examines the complex mix of national and international dynamics that were combined to produce a hybrid or composite regime in the judiciary of Albania.
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| 6 |
ID:
193855
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the theoretical foundations of international security and regime theory that lay strict conditions for the creation of international regimes to explain the nature of the cyber conflict and the reasons that prevent the creation of a global regime for cybersecurity. This article analyzes the cybersecurity concerns and interests of the world’s leading powers in cyberspace—China, Russia, the European Union, and the United States—based on some key cybersecurity issues in dispute, inter alia, information sovereignty, militarization of cyberspace, and their politics of cyber norms. The article suggests that the absence of a dominant hegemon in the international system, and the perception of cyberspace not only as a domain that increases vulnerabilities and threats, but also as a domain for gaining a strategic advantage, does not meet the theoretical premises for the creation of an international regime.
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| 7 |
ID:
193854
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Covid-19 pandemic hit with world-changing force in March 2020, the United Nations proved surprisingly creative and adaptable as an institution, quickly shifting modes and coming up with multiple mandate-saving ways of adapting. This seems incongruous with the widely held image of the organization. However, its primary organs and other bodies responded to the pandemic quite effectively, ensuring the continuity of their work and fulfilling their numerous mandates.
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| 8 |
ID:
193853
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2015, the United Nations agreed on seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDG s). These SDG s are not legally binding and lack strict enforcement mechanisms. International organizations that seek to implement these goals therefore rely on soft tools to influence governments and other actors, which is often described as “orchestration.” This article focuses on regional governance and studies the yet unexplored role of the five UN Regional Commissions. These commissions seek to link the global ambitions of the SDG s with regional actors, contexts, and priorities. Drawing on extensive document analysis and a series of semistructured expert interviews, the article analyzes the orchestration efforts of all five Regional Commissions, focusing on agenda setting, coordination, and support. It concludes that instead of a unified orchestrating role, Regional Commissions play in practice a balancing role for agenda setting, a sharing role when it comes to coordination, and a conforming role in terms of support.
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| 9 |
ID:
193852
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article applies main path analysis to UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolutions as a novel way to identify what documents and themes have mattered most in the evolution of the organization. Three successive corpora containing all resolutions adopted by the UNGA during its first fifteen, thirty-five, and seventy-three years were analyzed. Results show that the theme of the main path of the first fifteen sessions was Palestine, and peacekeeping/budget for the other two corpora. Three concluding hypotheses are proposed as possible explanations for this finding. Main paths in networks of international norms might be understood as indicators of ongoing issues, as a sign of groundedness, or as residue from preferential attachment. This paper trail reconstructs relevant chapters of the UN’s institutional development and reveals that texts of little fame can nonetheless be at the origin of large bodies of later works, and that jurisprudential density varies across UNGA topics.
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| 10 |
ID:
193851
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| Summary/Abstract |
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is commonly described as a functional intergovernmental organization (IGO) that performs tasks on behalf of Member States. However, recent changes within IOM suggest its transformation into a hybrid IGO that promotes widely shared norms and social goals. One facet of this transformation aims to constitute IOM as a counterweight to the Member States. Leveraging pressures to adapt to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Global Compact for Migration, IOM sought to increase its authority and autonomy by drafting the Strategic Vision. This article conducts a critical discourse analysis of the Strategic Vision to emphasize how it proclaimed the normative role of IOM; centralized its structure, funding, and organizational routines; and changed the expression of its expert and moral authority. The article demonstrates that functional IGO s do not refer to norms and social goals solely to secure legitimacy.
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| 11 |
ID:
193850
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues for the need to codify and implement a new human right—the right to international solidarity. Similar to the right to peace, the right to development, and the right to clean environment, such a new right would express the interconnectedness of peoples and generations in recognition of a shared agency and responsibility to cooperate with each other to address pressing global common challenges.
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| 12 |
ID:
193849
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the normative development of the UN’s focus on protection of civilians is well covered, there is little research on how more than two decades of translating the norm into practice has led to the development of an entire ecosystem of early warning tools across the UN system. Most of these tools have been created at the field level, and UN Member States have neither played a role in pushing for these tools nor in helping to develop them. This article makes two contributions. Empirically, the article maps the ecosystem of early warning tools for protection of civilians in UN peace operations. Second, drawing on practice theory, the article reflects on the origin of these tools and argues that bottom-up norm implementation practices in international organizations amount to norm fixations—collectively describing what a norm is and how it should be implemented in practice.
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| 13 |
ID:
193848
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional wisdom dictates the ten elected members (E10) operate within the predominance of the five permanent members (P5) in the UN Security Council. Often also constrained by limited internal resources, many of the E10 need to ensure external support to promote their interests. In research, however, limited theoretical disaggregation exists on E10 strategies and conditions affecting their maneuvering to obtain influence. To address this gap, this article draws on existing research to form a framework and further inform this by using material from Sweden’s term (2017–2018) related to how Sweden sought to contribute to the progress of Women, Peace and Security. The article uses qualitative empirical material from thirty semistructured interviews of Swedish diplomats, other Member States of the Council, UN officials, scholars, and civil society advocates. The utility of this framework demonstrates the efficacy of E10 power, thereby opening up new avenues for future research.
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| 14 |
ID:
193847
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| Summary/Abstract |
As we mark the 75th anniversary of United Nations Peacekeeping, it is timely to question the future of peacekeeping in the light of fast-paced events not just in theaters such as Mali but also in Europe, where we have not seen such a large-scale confrontation since World War II—the very tragedy that prompted the establishment of the UN in its current form.
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| 15 |
ID:
193846
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| Publication |
New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1960.
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| Description |
15 vol.set; 722p.Hbk
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| Series |
McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of science and technology (15 Volume Set)
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| Contents |
Vol76: ICE-LYT
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| Standard Number |
070797986
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 006032 | 503.21/LAP 006032 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
193845
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| Summary/Abstract |
Johan Verbeke’s book Diplomacy in Practice: A Critical Approach, with its interdisciplinary and valuable insight and critical reflections, is a refreshing revelation for (future) practitioners and academics alike. The senior Belgian and UN ambassador turned visiting professor at the Universities of Brussels and Lille views diplomacy as a behavioral practice for social engineering of transnational relations, directed toward efficient, sustainable, and therefore legitimate problem-solving, beyond merely complexity management. The author’s writing goes against the grain of the popular bias concerning publications on the practice of diplomacy: those who write about it rarely have the profound insight from personal experience, whereas high-level practitioners seldom publish. All the more revealing are Verbeke’s reflections as a close, trusted, and tested, but also critical, actor and observer. His insight comes from the highest-level bilateral and multilateral diplomatic decisionmaking and execution, and he does not fall into the trap of (retrospectively) justifying any practice (or its consequences) that he advised on or was privy to.
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| 17 |
ID:
193844
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2019, the Second High-Level UN Conference on South-South Cooperation was held, revitalizing South-South and triangular cooperation. It was intended to incorporate the principal advances in the international agenda on the effectiveness of aid, financing, and the 2030 Agenda, which is the framework of this article. From an analytical perspective, the aim is to identify the main challenges posed by the conference for the private sector in its connection with South-South and triangular cooperation in relation to the Sustainable Development Goals, which require multistakeholder approaches in a postpandemic context of international crisis. Three levels of challenges are identified: programmatic, operational, and general.
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| 18 |
ID:
193843
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article maps the evolution of the Chinese activities within the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), with a focus on the Chinese standard-setting experience. It analyzes three different moments of the ITU-China standard-setting history: Audio Video Coding Standards (AVS) from 2002 to 2007; TD-SCDMA and TD-LTE standards from 1998 to 2013; and 5G standards from 2012 to 2013. The study contributes to the literature, first, by demonstrating that China-ITU relations have been useful to China to support the shift from norm taker to norm maker into the standard-setting process through techno-nationalism in the case of AVS, techno-globalism in the case of TD-SCDMA and TD-LTE, and neo-techno-globalism in the case of 5G. Second, it highlights how China benefited from its ITU presence to improve its abilities in lobbying for promoting new standards globally. Third, it highlights the ITU’s role as actor, arena, and antenna in the field of techno-diplomacy and standards’ definition.
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| 19 |
ID:
193842
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| Summary/Abstract |
In April 2022 the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 76/262, agreeing that every time a veto was cast in the Security Council, the Assembly would meet and consider the matter on which that veto was cast. Since then, Resolution 76/262 has provided the platform for four General Assembly special sessions. Drawing on those sessions, this article assesses the success of Resolution 76/262 according to the two objectives articulated by states at the time of its introduction: increasing the accountability of the Council; and prompting the Assembly to itself take action when the Council fails. In assessing the success of the veto initiative against this second criterion, this article also considers the difference between the special sessions convened pursuant to the Assembly’s Uniting for Peace Resolution, and those convened pursuant to Resolution 76/262. It finds that the latter are not yet being utilized to their full potential.
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| 20 |
ID:
193841
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| Summary/Abstract |
Fifteen countries recently signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and formed the world’s largest trade bloc between some of the globe’s largest and fastest-growing economies. Employing a text-as-data analysis, this article systematically compares the text of the RCEP to the previous agreements of its members to determine the sources of language in the RCEP and investigate why particular treaty text is replicated more frequently relative to others. The results indicate that language derived from the multiparty and multicontinental trade agreements of the United States, a state not involved in the RCEP negotiations, accounted for a disproportionate share of the finalized text. These findings highlight the temporal dimension of power asymmetries as well as the importance of treaty design itself in the diffusion of regulatory norms and suggest that specific trade agreements serve as reference points for subsequent agreements.
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