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| 1 |
ID:
198625
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| Edition |
4th ed
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| Publication |
London, Europa, 1999.
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| Description |
xiv, 1004p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
1857430581
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042602 | 947/EUR 042602 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
198624
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| Summary/Abstract |
Though previous research has recognized that armed groups do not always recruit fighters on a voluntary basis, varieties and determinants of insurgent forced recruitment are still poorly understood. What drives armed groups to employ certain methods of coercive recruitment? This article conceptualizes and studies a particular form of coerced recruitment—insurgent conscription—whereby rebel groups rely on their administrative capacity to compel civilians to fight. Building on scholarship that highlights the impact of state violence on rebel recruitment, I theorize that state violence incentivizes armed groups to employ insurgent conscription. Leveraging a novel, cross-national dataset of insurgent conscription in state-rebel dyads between 1946 and 2008, I find that state targeting of an armed group’s civilian support base increases the likelihood of insurgent conscription. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the relationship between state violence and insurgent recruitment, rebel-civilian relationships, and the transformation of institutions and networks in civil wars.
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| 3 |
ID:
198623
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| Summary/Abstract |
We investigate the impact of UN peacekeeping on voluntary returns and negative attitudes towards displaced persons. We posit that peacekeeping missions can have beneficial effects by improving security and alleviating the socio-economic burden imposed by new arrivals on receiving communities. Focusing on the critical case of South Sudan, we combine information on peacekeepers' subnational deployment with high frequency survey data. Our findings suggest that the presence of peacekeepers is more likely to attract individuals seeking to return home, compared to those relocating for other reasons. In addition, peacekeepers positively influence the perceptions of receiving communities regarding the impact of IDPs and refugees on economic opportunities, security conditions, and social cohesion.
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| 4 |
ID:
198622
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following regime change, how does wartime victimization shape political attitudes and participation in the long run? I argue that it increases post-war political vigilance: greater sensitivity to illiberal politics and poor governance, but with dampened effects on participation under authoritarianism due to greater fear of harm. I examine Protected Villages (PVs) in the Zimbabwe Liberation War (1972–1979). PVs, a Rhodesian counterinsurgency strategy, was a large-scale and violent resettlement program that intensified politics’ role in civilian lives. I map PV-affected areas within pre-war and current-day administrative divisions, and estimate a difference-in-discontinuities regression to identify PVs’ long-run effects. PV-affected areas report greater sensitivity to the country’s illiberal politics and are more critical of poor government performance today. Contrary to existing literature however, I find no evidence of increased political participation and pro-social behavior in the long run, nor hardened support for the ruling party—whom these areas had once supported during war.
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| 5 |
ID:
198621
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has shifted its foreign policy from careful diplomacy to “wolf warrior diplomacy” (WWD). I argue that WWD increases the Chinese public’s support for their government. However, foreign audiences are likely to view WWD as aggressive and threatening; as a result, WWD has dual effects, increased security for the regime at the domestic level and heightened tensions at the international level. To examine these hypotheses, I conducted preregistered parallel experiments, in which I presented identical sets of survey vignettes to Chinese and American citizens. The results show that WWD significantly increases the Chinese public’s support for their government. However, this diplomatic rhetoric also antagonizes the U.S. public and bolsters their support for aggressive foreign policies toward China. These findings contribute to our understanding of the dual effects of authoritarian diplomacy in the global arena where national leaders face a trade-off between preserving domestic support and triggering international hostility.
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| 6 |
ID:
198620
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| Summary/Abstract |
International courts lack traditional enforcement mechanisms. Scholars theorize that compliance with human rights rulings is therefore often driven by domestic processes, including political mobilization and parliamentary agenda setting. A necessary condition underlying these processes is attention to the rulings which is in part expected to be mediated by media attention. However, these conditions have not been explicitly addressed by the existing compliance literature. In this paper, we assess the impact of media attention to rulings by the European Court of the Human Rights on the likelihood of their implementation, using a novel dataset of case-specific news coverage. Exploiting exogenous variation in media attention caused by competing newsworthy events, we find that the probability of compliance increases, the more coverage a ruling receives. Our findings indicate that domestic news media play a key role for compliance with international courts.
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| 7 |
ID:
198619
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| Summary/Abstract |
States often intentionally stall crisis negotiations, hoping to build arms or attract allies to achieve a more favorable bargaining position. Why do their adversaries tolerate delay in some cases, but attack upon delay in others? I argue that this is because states cannot perfectly distinguish between intentional and unavoidable delays. This presents a strategic tension: a state prefers to attack preventively if the delay is intentional, but prefers to avoid costly war otherwise. To study this tension, I build a formal model of crisis bargaining with delay tactics, showing that rising states may mask bargaining delays behind natural exogenous delays to complete a peaceful power shift. I find that uncertainty over the source of delay may decrease the risk of war under some conditions, and increase the risk of war under others. I discuss the implications of my theoretical model for the causes of war and power shifts in historical cases.
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| 8 |
ID:
198618
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| Summary/Abstract |
How is service history associated with returning veterans' attitudes about democracy? Existing research predicts pro-government militia veterans have less support for democracy because of political efficacy gained from service and divergent policy preferences from the general population. We test that theory in Ukraine through surveys of both returning veterans and the general population between 2019 and 2022. Our findings differ from predictions. Veterans who joined the armed forces as volunteers were more supportive of democracy as an institution than ordinary Ukrainians. At the same time, Army volunteers, as well as veterans who were drafted into the armed forces and veterans who were rejected from the armed forces and joined pro-government militias were more likely to be dissatisfied with democracy. In-depth interviews reveal both those rejected from the armed forces and army conscripts opposed democracy because they felt rampant draft evasion made civilians unqualified to make political decisions.
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| 9 |
ID:
198617
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The article investigates Russian LGBTIQ activism in the context of Russia’s war in Ukraine, a conflict framed in highly gendered and sexualized geopolitical terms. The study aims to develop a deeper understanding of queer security and is based on interviews with Russian LGBTIQ activists, their international funders, as well as a text analysis of Russian official documents and news media. It shows how the safety of queer and trans people in Russia is undermined by wartime state discourses producing them as hypervisible enemies within, the complex ways in which activists navigate security and visibility, that international allies intervene in these negotiations in ways that may or may not align with activists’ priorities, and how the circumstances of war themselves reshape LGBTIQ activism. The study argues for a notion of queer security as geopolitically shaped but embodied and experienced in the everyday, and realized through horizontal grassroot networking. The findings broaden our understanding of queer security by going beyond the scope of institutionalized rights regimes, decentring the state and international organizations as providers of security for queer and trans people, and invite researchers to consider queer activists as actors of international security.
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| 10 |
ID:
198616
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As ecological crises deepen, many scholars have challenged dominant practices of security by developing more progressive environmental or ecological security discourses. Others, on the other hand, critique these moves by emphasizing the inherently repressive features of security discourse. This article engages this debate by proposing a more radical form of ecological security informed by the ‘abolitionist’ tradition – which I call Abolitionist Ecological Security. From this view, the problem with existing ecological security approaches is not their efforts to rethink the term ‘security’, but rather (1) their failure to foreground the political economy of racial capitalism as the structure that hegemonic security practices function to secure, and (2) their neglect of how ‘racial capitalist security assemblages’ – encompassing structures of militarism, policing, incarceration and border controls – produce ecological insecurity through their ecological impacts and violence against workers, the poor, migrants and racialized communities. Thus I argue, following the abolitionist tradition, that any genuine ecological security must necessarily be abolitionist in orientation, entailing the struggle for new worlds beyond racial capitalism and the creation of alternative security practices beyond militarism, policing and imprisonment.
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| 11 |
ID:
198615
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| Summary/Abstract |
New materialist thought has become particularly influential in critical security studies over the past decade. Advocating for an understanding of security that comprises and does justice to the vibrant, unpredictable and active role of materiality, scholars have significantly contributed to an array of debates within critical security studies. Engaging with post/decolonial, critical race studies and feminist literatures, this article offers a critique of new materialism that focuses on its embracement of ideas of vitality, activity and movement as a way to overcome modernity’s pervasive subject/object dualisms. My argument is that this stance risks reifying an activity/passivity hierarchy that has been centrally interwoven with colonial, racial and gendered dynamics of subjugation. The idea is that new materialism’s incisive critique has often failed to interrogate colonial modernity’s abjection of passivity itself, a process that has been paramount in the historical production and securing of whiteness. This article’s goal, however, is not only to push the analytical and political boundaries of new materialism. By rethinking the racial-colonial underpinnings of this activity/passivity hierarchy, the article also offers promising research avenues for critical security studies which help us understand and interrogate racial-colonial security structures and practices of policing, violence and exploitation.
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| 12 |
ID:
198614
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do states use migration control to track both foreign and domestic threats? This article approaches this question historically, examining colonial migration control policies employed by the British Empire in South Asia. Studying the imperial state reveals important antecedents for the contemporary migration regime and shows that empire states engaged in similar practices even as they were monitoring imperial rather than nation-state borders. Papers – in the form of identity documents such as passports that could be flagged – emerged as a critical tool in the quest to repress transnational solidarities and anti-colonial resistance. Examining the ways in which migration control was operationalized within the empire along with the logics guiding such regulation, this article argues that colonial migration control was deployed as a tool to target threats to the empire, not only those considered Britain’s enemies abroad but also British subjects and citizens. The pretext of collaboration with enemy aliens allowed the hardening of borders and an intensification in how they were policed. I argue that states use the justification of external or foreign threats to monitor internal or domestic threats. The colonial border did not merely serve as a tool to constrain the movement of enemy aliens or foreigners, but also to enable the surveillance of ‘undesirable’ British Indians who were considered suspicious. This article thus centers the imperial security perceptions that undergird the contemporary racialized migration regime and shows that these perceptions were crystallized at the height of empire.
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| 13 |
ID:
198613
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| Summary/Abstract |
The idea that diversity and inclusion in policymaking institutions is a national security imperative because it enhances ‘diversity of thought’ has proliferated among policymakers in recent years. Building on critical, feminist and postcolonial scholarship arguing that constructions of gender, race and class undergird hegemonic militaristic and colonial approaches to security, this article analyses how the discourse on diversity of thought occasionally challenges, but more often reinforces these hegemonic approaches. Based on interviews with UK civil servants, the article explores how this discourse, and consequent measures to promote diversity of thought by creating a more diverse and inclusive workplace, have developed in the UK national security community, analysing how officials interpret the relationship between demographic diversity and knowledge production. Using feminist epistemologies as a heuristic, the article argues that although some officials view this agenda as a means to challenge militaristic thinking, the commonplace exclusion of structural power analysis places hard constraints on its ability to achieve this end and has enabled its recuperation by far-right anti-equality agendas. Ultimately, the politics of diversity are insufficient to overcome UK national security institutions’ commitment to militarism, which demands attention to the material structures that make militaristic approaches to security appear necessary.
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| 14 |
ID:
198612
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| Summary/Abstract |
The years 2023 and 2024 were politically significant for a few reasons. (1) A presidential election was held, which was convincingly won by the former deputy prime minister, Tharman Shanmugaratnam. (2) The third handover of power in the country’s independent history took place as PM Lawrence Wong assumed office, in May 2024. (3) The corruption case of former minister Iswaran resulted in a conviction. (4) Four politicians resigned, including the speaker of parliament and two other MPs, due to extramarital affairs. (5) The leader of the opposition, Pritam Singh, was charged with covering up a lie in parliament. Like other countries, Singapore was dealing with the implications of the intensification of the Israel–Palestinian conflict and the US–China rivalry. Despite these politically trying times and precarity, the country has been stable, and the government has generally been consistent in both domestic politics and foreign policy. At the same time, there appears to be a segment of Singaporeans who clamor for greater involvement in political discussions, as evinced in the rise of pro-Palestine activism among younger people. The task facing the government is to balance these aspirations with its core philosophies of governance. Concern about the rising cost of living also remains as one of the biggest political challenges for the People’s Action Party government.
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| 15 |
ID:
198611
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the uncertainty of a global pandemic, the Mongolian economy has stabilized through coal and copper exports over the past two years. Political developments culminated in the parliamentary election of June 28, 2024, which led to a continuation of the Mongolian People’s Party government, albeit in a new coalition with the Democratic Party and the HUN Party. Prime Minister L. Oyun-Erdene continues to lead the government, and few policy changes are expected from the shift to a coalition. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine continues to reverberate around the world and to define Mongolia’s geopolitical situation. Domestic opinion remains divided on relations with Russia, while Russian President Putin continues to exhibit the attitude of a benevolent regional hegemon toward countries like Mongolia. The confrontation with the Russian regime has led OECD countries and some Asian countries to intensify relations with and official visits to Mongolia.
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| 16 |
ID:
198610
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2024 Laos entered its fourth year under the effects of the COVID and post-COVID economic downturn. However, the roots of Laos’ economic crisis extend back into the 2010s, with heavy borrowing under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. As rotating ASEAN chair, Laos hosted a successfully uncontroversial series of diplomatic meetings. Domestically, the Lao leadership struggled to respond to falling living standards and the urgency of close diplomatic relations with its primary creditor, China. The subsistence economy, the informal economy, the remittance economy, the moonlighting economy, and Laos’ shadow economy provided crucial livelihood buffers to the economic crisis. The National Assembly began work on a constitutional amendment, with the 2026 Party Congress on the horizon.
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| 17 |
ID:
198609
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1999.
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| Description |
2283-3600p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0195644492
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042613 | 954.0359/CHA 042613 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 18 |
ID:
198608
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1999.
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| Description |
1039-2282p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0195644492
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042612 | 954.0359/CHA 042612 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 19 |
ID:
198607
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| Summary/Abstract |
The end of 2024 marked the first full calendar year in power for Cambodia’s new prime minister, Hun Manet. Manet inherited the position from his father, Hun Sen, in August 2023, fulfilling long-standing expectations of a dynastic succession within the Hun family. Questions remain about the balance of power between Manet and his father, who continues to wield significant influence. Internationally, Cambodia has sought to maintain its political and economic ties with China at the same time as tentatively improving relations with the United States and other countries. However, its international relations were strained by its centrality to Southeast’s Asia’s online scam epidemic. The economy showed signs of a post-pandemic recovery, but challenges remain, including the contraction of the Chinese economy, global inflation, and domestic struggles in important sectors like tourism and construction, as well as a growing personal debt crisis that could pose economic and political challenges in the future.
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| 20 |
ID:
198606
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2024, the final year of the Biden administration, the United States pursued ongoing efforts to deepen bilateral and multilateral cooperation with allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific, in the context of continued global strategic competition between the US and the People’s Republic of China. Efforts to strengthen security cooperation were stronger than economic outreach, however, and elections and leadership transitions in multiple locations, including the US, raised questions about the extent to which domestic politics will inflect current patterns in the near future. The past year, in other words, saw both progress in the stated goals of American foreign policy in Asia, and the persistence of old challenges as well as the evolution or emergence of new ones.
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